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Table of Contents
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Moses
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David, King of Israel
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Solomon
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Lycurgus
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St. Patrick
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Justinian the Great
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St. Augustine of Canterbury
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Mahomet
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Alfred the Great
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John Huss
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Louis XI, of France
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Isabella of Castille
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Nicholas Copernicus
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Martin Luther
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Letter from Luther to his son
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Charles V of Germany
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John Calvin
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John Knox
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Elizabeth, Queen of England
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Francis Bacon
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Galileo Galilei
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Cardinal Richelieu
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William Bradford
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Charles I of England
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Letter from Charles I to his son
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Oliver Cromwell
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Frederick, the Great Elector
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Louis XIV, of France
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William Penn
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William III, of England
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Isaac Newton
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Peter the Great
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Maria Theresa
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Edmund Burke
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Benjamin Franklin
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Patrick Henry
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George Washington
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Letter from Washington to his adopted daughter
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John Adams
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Letter from Adams to a friend
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Thomas Jefferson
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Alexander Hamilton
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Count de Mirabeau
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Maximilien Robespierre
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Jean Henri Pestalozzi
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Georges Cuvier
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Alexander von Humboldt
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Daniel O\'Connell
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Simon Bolivar
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Jean Francois Champollion
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Andrew Jackson
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Daniel Webster
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Letter from Webster to a friend
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Willaim Henry Seward
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Abraham Lincoln
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Horace Greeley
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Louis Agassiz
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Charles Darwin
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Louis Adolphe Thiers
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Leon Gambetta
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Benjamin Disraeli
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William Ewart Gladstone
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Prince von Bismarck
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Charles Steward Parnell
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William McKinley
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Grover Cleveland
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LYCURGUS
By Rev. Joseph T. Duryea.
(ABOUT 884—820 B.C.)
CHOLARS generally agree in the judgment that Lycurgus was a real person. It is probable that he was born in
the ninth century B.C., and that, in the later part of the same century (850-820),
he was an important, if not
the principal, agent in the reconstruction of the Dorian state of Sparta, in the Peloponneseus. According to
Herodotus, he was the uncle of King Labotas, of the royal line of Eurysthenes. Others, whom Plutarch
follows, describe him as the uncle and guardian of King
[23] Charilaus, and therefore in the line of Procles. Either way his mythical lineage would be traced to Hercules.
We are able to find no trustworthy records of the circumstances of his birth, and of the incidents of his
childhood and youth. Plutarch, with all his diligence, found nothing. Nor could he sift and blend the varying
stories of his later life and so construct a consistent and credible narrative. O. Muller says: "We have
absolutely no account of him as an individual person."
Accordingly Lycurgus appears already in his maturity. We know what he was only from what he did. He has this
imperishable honor, that he did something, and did it in such a manner and with such effect that the memory of
him and his deeds has lasted until this late time, and bids fair to last throughout all time.
The following traditions concerning Lycurgus are commonly repeated. Polydectes, his brother, was king in
Sparta. After the king's death a son was born to the widow. Lycurgus became his guardian and presented him to
the magistrates as their future king. He was suspected by the queen's brother of a design to take the crown,
and even of a purpose to destroy his infant nephew. Accordingly he went into exile. He remained some time in
Crete, studying the institutions of the Dorian people of that island. He travelled extensively in Asia and was
especially careful to observe the manners and customs of the Ionians. He found the poems of Homer, transcribed
and arranged them, and caused them to be more generally known. The Egyptians claimed that he visited their
country and derived much of his wisdom from them. Meanwhile the affairs of Sparta were in a critical condition
and the king and the people alike desired his presence and his aid in restoring peace and renewing the
prosperity of the community and the people of Laconia. Immediately upon his return he entered upon the work of
framing a constitution and reconstructing the state. Notwithstanding much opposition and complaint from the
classes obliged to make concessions and sacrifices for the common good, he secured the assent of the people to
his legislation. Having seen the system in working order, he announced his purpose to leave the country for a
period, and moved the citizens to take an oath that they would observe the laws until he should return. He
departed to remain away to the end of his life, but first repaired to Delphi and obtained an oracle promising
[24] prosperity to the Spartans, so long as they should maintain faithfully the constitution.
Laconia was the southeastern portion of the peninsula. The soil was mainly mountain land and meagrely
productive under toilsome and careful tillage. So much of it as was naturally fertile lay in the centre, shut
in from the sea by the mountains. At the time of the Dorian immigration, it was occupied in part by the
descendants of the old Pelasgian population and in part by a mixed people which had come in at different times
and from various sources. Because of the limited area there was already considerable pressure between the
several elements. Accordingly the Dorians and their Achæan and Æolian allies met with a stout resistance, and
established themselves after an obstinate and long-continued struggle. They descended from the sources of the
Eurotas and forced their way into the plains in the midst of the land. They seized the heights on the right
bank of the river at a point where its channel is split by an island and it was most easy to cross the stream.
The hill of Athene became the centre of the settlement. Their establishment in the land was a slow process. It
is said Laconia was divided into six districts, with six capital cities, each ruled by a king. The immigrants
were distributed among the inhabitants and lands were allotted to them, in return for which they recognized
the authority of the kings and engaged to support them in power. They seem to have been adopted by the kings,
as their kindred were in Crete, as the military guardians of their prerogatives. The result was inevitable.
They who are intrusted to maintain power become conscious that it is really their own, take formal possession
of it, and exercise it for their own ends.
Two leading families drew to themselves the central body of the Dorians, rallied the rest, gathered them all
at one point, and made it the centre of the district and the seat of government. They were supported by
families of common descent and recognized by the people of the land, who suffered no change in the
circumstances of their life. These gave them homage, paid to them taxes, and united with their kindred in
celebrating funeral rites at their tombs. Sparta became the capital of the whole country, while the former
capitals became country towns.
But there were difficulties in the way of the new regime. There were conflicting claims between the two royal
families. Both of them were in collision with families in all respects their equals as to lineage and rank.
The older and newer elements of the mass of the population were mingled but not yet combined. Everywhere there
was friction, with occasions enough for irritation and confusion. The descendants of the primitive races were
attached to their ancient ways. The Dorians were not less, but more tenacious of their traditional customs.
And they were conscious of their vantage and knew they were able to insist on their preferences. As the props
of the royal houses they could hope to make terms with them, or withdraw and let them fall, or turn to cast
them down. The kings were compelled, on the one hand, to exert themselves to hold in control a subject people,
and, on the other, to check the headstrong Dorian warriors. There was danger of the disruption of the kingdom,
a lapse into anarchy, the rise of
[25] opposing factions, and a conflict destructive alike and equally of the welfare of all classes of the people.
There was need of a statesman who could comprehend the problem, find a solution, commend it to the judgment of
all classes, and gain their cordial consent to the renovation of the state upon a more equitable basis. He
must be a man of large capacity, great attainments, thorough sincerity, earnest devotion, generous and
self-sacrificing patriotism. He must have ability to conceive a high ideal, steadily contemplate it, and
nevertheless consider the materials on which and the conditions under which he must do his work, maintain the
sober judgment which discriminates between the ideal and the practicable, and exercise the rigid self-control
which calmly renounces the best conceivable and resolutely attempts the best attainable. He must have regard
to the ideas, sentiments, associations, sacred traditions, and immemorial customs of the several races and
classes of the people. He must be prudently conservative and keenly cautious in shaping and applying new
measures and methods. He must study and comprehend the inevitable oppositions of interests, and conceive modes
of action which involve reasonable concessions accompanied by manifest compensations. He must ally himself
with no party and yet command the confidence of all parties. What ever prior advantage he may have had in the
matters of birth, rank, and association, he must use to conciliate those who would be asked to make the
largest apparent sacrifices, and so turn it to account for the benefit of those who might otherwise suspect
and distrust him and fall away from his influence. He must be able to explain and commend the system he might
devise, convince the several parties of its wisdom,' persuade them to yield their preferences and accept the
needful compromises, and move them to make a fair and full experiment of its provisions. Such a man was
Lycurgus, if we may trust the persistent tradition that he was the framer of the new constitution and the
second founder of the Dorian state of Sparta. From time to time the question has been raised, was the work of
Lycurgus original or an imitation, shaped perhaps by his observations among the Dorian folk on the island of
Crete? It does not matter what the answer shall be. The statesman who fitly adapts may be as wise and skilful
as he who invents and creates. The man who loves his people, plans and labors for their good, will not peril
their welfare by his experiments, disdaining the help of those who have wrought before him, and the guidance
of his contemporaries in examples, the benign results of which he may have had opportunity to witness. The
truth appears to be that Lycurgus had respect to the reverence of the people for the ancient ways, and
retained as far as he was able the suitable elements of the primitive polity of the Homeric age. This was
based on the Council of Chiefs or Elders and occasional meetings of an assembly of the people to listen and
learn, to assent and give heed. From whatsoever sources he drew, he adapted the materials of his knowledge to
the conditions under which his structure must be shaped, the circumstances under which it must get on its base
and stand secure. Those who affirm the exemplary influence of the Cretan polity, hold fast to the tradition
that Lycurgus visited the island and
[26] could not have failed to observe the features of society there, and could not have expelled from his mind the
similarity of conditions among the two peoples and the expedients which the lawgiver of Crete had employed to
meet and resolve the difficulties he encountered and secure the results he attained. It must, however, be
remembered that similar peoples with common traditions and customs, under like circumstances may independently
work out for themselves systems of society analogous. in many particulars and varying only by adaptation to
special conditions. If Lycurgus perceived what was suitable to the exigency, wrought it into a plan, moved the
people to accept it, brought harmony out of discord, order out of confusion, contentment out of unrest,
prosperity out of impending calamity, and rescued the commonwealth for the time, he deserved abundant honor
and still deserves a permanent rank among the notable statesmen of the world.
The constitution was unwritten. Its provisions were expressed in forms known as Rhætra. The kings were
retained. Their power was a guaranty of unity. They maintained the continuity of civic life. Each was a check
upon the other. They were held under restraint by the senate. Its composition and functions were now fixed. It
met not only to deliberate and advise, but to perform judicial offices. In case of capital offences the kings
sat with the elders, each having, with every other member, but a single vote. The members were thirty in
number, one for each of the ten clans of each of the three tribes, the kings representing their clans and
sitting as equals with equals, though presiding at the sessions. The elders must be of the age of sixty and
upward, and were appointed for life. The ancient division of the people was preserved; the households were
grouped in thirties, the thirties in clans, the clans in tribes. Their capital was Sparta. It was not a
compact walled town. It stretched into the open country and Dorians lived along the entire valley of the
Eurotas. Not only those dwelling at the ford of the river, but all were acknowledged as Spartans. The kings
were required to summon the heads of the families in the assembly once every month. The place was designated.
The session was brief. To encourage brevity there was no provision for seats, but the freemen stood. Elders
and other public officers were chosen. Official persons made known new laws, declarations of war and peace and
treaties. The people simply voted aye or nay. The decision was according to the volume of sound. The session
closed with a military review.
The army: The Dorians had entered the land and held their place in it by force of arms. To maintain their
power it was necessary to develop a military system and maintain a body of vigorous and able soldiers. All
citizens were constituted guardians of the nation. To all their rights was attached the duty of military
service. They composed a standing army. The valley became a camp. The men left their estates under the
management of the women. The wife cared for the home, reared the young children, and superintended the
laborers in the business of the farm. The soldier could not leave the valley or enter it without announcement.
The older men visited their homes on "leave of
[27] absence," the younger by stealth at night. Emigration was desertion punishable by death. To have gold and
silver was to risk the same penalty. The heavy iron money only could be held, and this was without value in
foreign parts. The soldier was part of an animated machine. His simple duty was to obey. Speech was repressed.
It became abrupt, brief, pithy. Relief was found at the Lesche, near the training-ground, where talk was often
free and even merry. The whole aim of the discipline was to form the soldier. Marriage was delayed for the
sake of vigorous offspring. The girls were trained for motherhood. They were subject to a system of athletic
exercises, and engaged in contests of running, wrestling, and boxing. The boys were put under training at the
age of eight years. They became accustomed to severe exercise, and were inured to patient and painful
endurance. They were compelled to suffer hunger, thirst, cold, heat, and fatigue, and to bear torture without
flinching or show of emotion. Their food was kept almost within the limits of war rations. To increase the
amount and variety they were allowed to steal. But they were careful not to be detected, lest they should be
severely punished. Likely this was a device for training them to stealthy and cautious movements. After the
time of their maturity they continued gymnastic culture. They hunted the goats, boars, stags, and bears on the
rugged heights of the Taygetus range. There was no system of liberal education; mental growth and development
were not sought as ends. They were rather feared. Poetry and music were used to a limited degree, so far as
they might be made conducive to forming the traits of the soldier.
While the Spartans were solely occupied in preparation for the art of war, it is evident there must have been
a population as wholly given to the pursuit of the practical arts, or the community could not have existed.
There were two classes of laborers. The Perici dwelt in the rural townships. They were mainly of the mixed
population of the land, but there were Dorians among them. They were freemen; they held lands, and enjoyed
certain rights of local government, voting for their magistrates in their townships. More and more they were
trained for military service and entered the ranks as heavy-armed infantry. Some of them were shepherds and
herdsmen. From them came all the skilled workmen, who wrought in the quarries and mines, provided building
materials, shaped iron implements, made woollen stuff and leathern wares. Their number was three times as
great as that of the citizens of the capital city. But over all their townships the Spartans held sway through
the kings, the senate, and the assembly. These facts exhibit the civil polity which became so common during
Greek and Roman times, and obtained again in Italy after the fall of the empire and the barbarian invasions,
up to the time of the Renaissance.
The Helots were a rural people dwelling on the lands of the Spartans which lay about the capital or in the
Laconian towns. Some of them were in the country as villagers and rustics when the Dorians came. They remained
upon their lands as they were before, but were forced to pay a part of the annual produce of barley, oil, and
wine. Some of them were people made captive in the border wars. They were serfs. They were, however, wards of
the state. No
[28] one could treat them as personal property. They could not be sold or given away. They belonged to the
inventory of the farm. Their taxes were defined by law. More could not be exacted. They could not be harmed in
person. They were of value to the state and therefore protected. More and more they were needed in the army,
where they were respected and honored for energy and bravery. Grote says they were as happy as the peasantry
of the most civilized and humane modern nations. They lived in their villages, enjoyed their homes and the
companionship of their wives and children, and the common fellowship of their neighbors, with ample supply for
their needs and comfort from the surplus product of their labor and apart from the eye of their masters. Still
the Helot had in him the common sentiments of our nature. His state was servile and mean. It was not to be
expected he would always remain content in his subjection to his superiors in social and civil life. More and
more his discontent would menace the stability of the community. Especially when the exigencies of war should
compel his rulers to place arms in his hands and enlist him for defence against the foreign foe, it would
become necessary to keep close watch upon him and to use strong measures for the repression of his impulse
toward freedom.
Judged by the highest standards, Lycurgus certainly did not form the Laconians into an ideal nationality. He
set up a military sovereignty in the land, and this demanded that the citizens should be soldiers, live in the
camp, and devote themselves solely to the art of war. It is likely he perceived the imperfections of the
system, anticipated its reflex effect upon the character and manners of the Spartans, and foreknew its
weakness and the consequent perils of the people when it should inevitably be put to stress and strain by the
aspirations of the subject classes after freedom and social equality. Could he speak for himself, he would
doubtless say, with Solon, that he had not done the best he knew but the best he could, that his constitution
was provisional and suited to the time, and that it was designed to serve as a bridge over which his
countrymen could cross a torrent and reach safely the solid ground on which they might securely stand to
rearrange their polity and form themselves on a more equitable and generous basis into a real and happy
commonwealth.
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