|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Brutus
|
|
|
|
|
BRUTUS
[323] PLUTARCH evidently regarded Brutus with especial admiration,
and would scarcely admit any flaw in the character or conduct
of his hero. It is probably through his influence that Brutus
has long been regarded by many as the very embodiment of
patriotism.
It is no doubt true that Brutus regarded the murder of Caesar
as an act of political justice and necessity, and it would
certainly not be right to judge his action entirely by the standard
of our times, in which political murder is looked upon with
abhorrence. But, even if it be allowed that murder for political
purposes can sometimes be justified, it is impossible to acquit
Brutus of base ingratitude in sharing in the murder of the man
who had pardoned him when an enemy, and who had loaded
him with favours and honours as a friend. The character of
Brutus in this respect gains a lustre, not its by right, because
his motives, though misguided, were at any rate far nobler than
the base envy and malice of Cassius. Brutus seems in truth
to have been an austere, hard man, by no means so free from
fault as Plutarch represents, but with the avarice and love of
money so often found in men of his character. Though a man
of great industry and learning, his mind was narrow in its scope.
Hence he did not see that the death of one man, however great
he might be, would not avail to alter the course of events which
were leading inevitably to single rule in the dominions of Rome.
Julius Caesar died, but, in a few years after his death, the young
Caesar had established himself as sole ruler and had, as the
Emperor Augustus, restored order to the dominions of Rome,
and was able to hand down his power to his successors.
Shakespeare closely follows Plutarch in his rendering of the
[324] character of Brutus in his Julius Caesar, and indeed makes him
the true hero of the play.
IT is said by some that Marcus Brutus was the
descendant of the Junius Brutus whose statue, bearing
a naked sword in its hand, was set up in the Capitol
by the Romans of old time, in witness that it was he
who had completely put down the line of the Tarquins,
kings of Rome.
That Brutus of old time was like a sword forged of
cold iron. For his temper was hard by nature, and was
not made more gentle by education, so that through
his hatred of tyrants he went even so far as to slay his
own sons. But Marcus Brutus tempered his natural
disposition by the discipline of learning and philosophy,
so that he is considered as having most fully shaped
himself to the pursuit of virtue. Hence it was, that
even those who were the enemies of Brutus through
the slaying of Caesar credited him with whatever of
good came from the dictator's death, While that which
was evil they laid to the charge of Cassius, who was
kinsman and friend to Brutus, but of a nature less
frank and noble.
Some there are, however, who say that Marcus
Brutus was not descended from Junius Brutus, the
expeller of the Tarquins. It is, however, agreed that
his mother Servilia was descended from that Servilius
who concealed a dagger about him, and, going down to
the Forum, struck down one who was aspiring to make
himself a tyrant.
Of all the Romans, Brutus took Cato the philosopher
most for his model. With him he was closely
connected in kinship, for Cato was his uncle, being the
brother of Servilia. Moreover, Brutus married Cato's
[325] daughter Porcia. As for the Greek philosophers, Brutus
was well versed in all of them, but devoted himself
especially to those of the school of Plato.
When the rupture between Pompey and Caesar took
place, it was expected that Brutus would side with the
latter, since Pompey had put his father to death some
time before. Brutus, however, placed the public affairs
before his own personal feelings, and, as he considered
that Pompey had more right upon his side than Caesar,
he joined his party. He acted thus even although up
to that time he had refused to speak to Pompey, thinking
it shame to have any converse with the murderer
of his father.
Brutus was at first sent by Pompey to Sicily. He
found, however, that there was nothing of importance
to be done in that island. He went, therefore, as a
volunteer to Macedonia, where the forces of Pompey
and Caesar were already assembled to contend for the
mastery of the Roman world. It is said that Pompey,
surprised and in a special degree delighted at his coming,
rose from his seat as to a man of great importance and
embraced him with fervour.
During the campaign Brutus spent the whole of his
leisure in reading and study. This was the case even
immediately before the great battle of Pharsalia. He
was at this time put to much discomfort from the
intense heat, for it was the height of summer, and his
tent-bearers delayed in coming, so that it was almost
midday before he had anointed himself and taken a
little food. Nevertheless, While others slept or made
arrangements for the future in view of the battle,
Brutus calmly occupied himself until eventime in
writing an epitome of a historical author.
It is said that Caesar was not indifferent to the fate
[326] of Brutus, and that he gave orders to his officers not to
kill him in the battle, and to suffer him to escape if he
would not yield himself up. Brutus did indeed succeed
in escaping from the camp after the defeat and the
flight of Pompey. He stole out through a gate which
led to a marshy part of the country, full of reeds and
pools of water, through which he made his way to a
town at no great distance. Thence he wrote to Caesar,
and was pardoned by the victor, who was glad to hear
that he had survived the battle. Indeed, Caesar kept
Brutus about him and treated him with great
consideration, so that by his intercession Caesar was even
induced to pardon Cassius, who had married the sister
of Brutus.
It is said that, on the first occasion upon which
he heard Brutus making a speech in public, Caesar
remarked: 'I know not what this youth wills, but I
see that what he does will he wills with all his might.'
Indeed, the earnest character of Brutus, and his determined
intention of being guided by reason and reflection,
gave force to his efforts to accomplish whatever
he set his hand to. But he was deaf to flattery and
to unreasonable requests, and was wont to express his
contempt for those who are so weak that they can
refuse nothing.
Now there was a certain office of great honour to
which it was expected that either Brutus or Cassius
would be appointed. The claims of Brutus rested upon
his good fame and the esteem felt for his character,
While Cassius was supported by the splendid exploits
he had accomplished in the campaigns against the
Parthians. Caesar consulted with his companions about
the office and the claims of Brutus and Cassius, and
then announced this decision: 'Brutus must have the
[327] office, though perhaps there is more justice in the claim
of Cassius.'
This was a source of anger against Caesar on the
part of Cassius, for, though he was appointed to
another office, his mind was filled not with gratitude
for what he had received, but with resentment on
account of what had been denied him.
As for Brutus, he might, had he so pleased, have
been the first of Caesar's friends and second only to him
in power. But though he was not yet reconcHed to
Cassius after their recent rivalry, he inclined towards
him rather than to Caesar. Moreover, many urged him
not to allow himself to be won over entirely by Caesar,
whose favours, said they, were due to a wish to
undermine his patriotism and his sturdy love of liberty.
But though Caesar showed his affection for Brutus,
he was not entirely without suspicion of him. For
when he was told that Antony was aiming at a change
in the government, Caesar replied that he had no fear
of trouble from such a plump, long-haired fellow as
Antony, but from the lean and hungry ones, whereby
he meant Brutus and Cassius. On another occasion,
when some one hinted doubts of the faithfulness of
Brutus, Caesar touched his own body with his hand
and said: 'What! do you think he cannot wait to take
his turn after this poor body?' It therefore appears
that Caesar regarded Brutus as the fittest to succeed
to his power. Certainly, it seems that Brutus might
indeed have been the first man in the state, if he could
for a time have endured to be second to Caesar.
Cassius, however, a violent—tempered man who
hated Caesar himself rather than his rule, lost no opportunity
of inflaming the mind of Brutus against the
power of Caesar. But Brutus hated the system of
[328] government, and was not moved by hatred of Caesar as
a man.
Cassius had a number of personal grievances against
Caesar. Among these, one was the fact that the dictator
had seized the lions which Cassius had procured for
certain public shows he intended to provide. Some say
that this was the chief cause of the plot of Cassius,
but they are mistaken. For from earliest youth there
was in the nature of Cassius a hatred and enmity to
all tyrants, as was shown when he was still a lad and
went to the same school as the son of Sulla, the
dictator. One day this schoolfellow began bragging
among the other boys about his father's absolute power,
whereupon Cassius jumped up and gave him a sound
trouncing. The affair attracted some attention, and
there was even talk of prosecuting young Cassius for the
attack. Pompey, however, prevented this, and having
had both the boys brought before him, questioned them
about the quarrel. Thereupon Cassius said to his
schoolfellow, 'Come now, say again before Pompey, if
you dare, the words that made me angry, so that I
may have the pleasure of cracking your mouth again.'
As for Brutus, he was incited to act against Caesar,
not only by many words from his friends, but also by
many exhortations, both spoken and written, from the
citizens. On the statue of his ancestor, that Brutus
who put an end to the kings, they wrote, 'Would that
you were now here, Brutus!' and 'Would that this
Brutus were alive!' And every morning Brutus found
his official seat full of papers bearing such writings
as these: 'Art thou asleep, Brutus?' and 'Thou art
not really Brutus!'
The real cause of these discontents lay in the actions
of the flatterers of Caesar, who placed crowns upon his
[329] statues by night, as if they designed to lead on the
crowd to salute him as king.
When Cassius sought to induce a number of his
friends to join in a plot against Caesar, they all agreed,
but only on the condition that Brutus would take the
lead in it. For they said that the design required the
support of his character more than it needed many
hands and much daring. If he would not join them,
they could not act boldly in the matter, since everybody
would say that it could not be a good cause or Brutus
would have been of their number. Cassius saw the
force of this argument, and now began to make the first
advances to Brutus since their rivalry.
When they were once more upon friendly terms,
Cassius asked if Brutus intended to be present in the
senate on the day when, it was said, Caesar's friends
meant to propose that he should be given the kingly
power. Brutus answered that he should not attend
the meeting. 'But,' said Cassius, 'what if they summon
us to be present.' ' In that case,' answered Brutus,
'it would be my duty not to keep silence, but to fight
and die in the cause of liberty.'
Cassius was encouraged by the words and went on
'What man amongst the Romans will suffer you to die
thus? Do you not know yourself, Brutus? Do you
think that it is men of no account who put those
exhortations in your seat? Be assured rather that they
are the best men in Rome. From others they demand
gifts and displays and shows of gladiators, but from
you the destruction of tyranny. With you they are
ready to dare and suffer anything, if you prove
yourself such a man as they think you to be.' So saying
he embraced Brutus, and then each went to sound his
own friends on the matter.
[330] Among the most intimate friends of Brutus was
Caius Ligarius, one of Pompey's followers. Though he
had been pardoned by Caesar, he felt no gratitude for
the mercy, but rather hatred for the power which had
put him in danger. He lay sick when Brutus came to
visit him. 'Alas, Ligarius,' said he, 'that you should
be ill at such a time.' At once the sick man raised
himself on his elbow, and seizing his friend's hand, said,
'But, Brutus, I am well if you have on hand any design
worthy of yourself.'
From this time the two leaders secretly spoke of
the plot to those whom they trusted, and added them to
the number of the conspirators, choosing such as they
knew feared nothing and despised death. In addition
to such men, they also gained over another Brutus,
surnamed Albinus, because, although he was not a bold
and courageous man, he was strengthened by a body
of gladiators he kept, and also because he was in the
confidence of Caesar. He, like most of the others, was
persuaded to join the plot on account of the reputation
of Brutus.
The lives of the first men in Rome were now in some
sense dependent upon him as their leader in the
conspiracy. Hence, though in public he kept strict watch
upon himself, so that there should appear no change in
his manner, yet when he was at home care and anxiety
lay heavy upon him, especially during the night.
Sometimes he lay sleepless, often he was lost in thought and
sat brooding over the difficulties of the attempt, so that
he seemed an altered man. The change did not escape
the notice of his wife Porcia, who loved her husband
dearly. But to her affection she added something of
the spirit of a philosopher, as became the daughter of
Cato. She determined, therefore, that she would not
[331] seek to find the cause of her husband's anxiety before
she had made full trial of her own firmness, and had
proved herself strong enough to bear the weight of his
secret, however heavy it might be.
Therefore she made trial of herself in this manner.
She ordered all her servants out of her room, and then
with a knife wounded herself deeply in the thigh. The
wound bled freely and caused her such great pain that
she fell into a fever. Brutus was deeply affected by
her condition, and attended to her with care. Then,
in the height of her pain, she spoke thus to him: 'Brutus,
when you married the daughter of Cato, you did not, I
imagine, look upon her as a mere companion, but as the
partner of your fortunes. Never have you given me
cause to repent my marriage, but how can I for my part
prove my love and faith to you if I may not share your
secret counsels? Even if secrecy be not a virtue of
women, yet remember that I, though indeed a woman,
am the daughter of Cato and the wife of Brutus. But
I did not place full confidence in the strength I draw
from such a parentage and such a marriage until I
had tried myself and proved myself above the fear of
pain. See, here is the wound by which I made the trial.'
Astounded at the strength of mind and the resolution
of his wife, Brutus told her of the plot which was on
foot. Then, raising his hands to heaven, he besought
the favour of the gods upon the enterprise, and that
he might be enabled to prove himself worthy of the
love of Porcia.
The conspirators decided that the best time to carry
out the plot would be at a meeting of the senate which
had been called for the Ides of March, for it was only on
such an occasion that they could all assemble together
without giving rise to suspicion. Moreover, the hand
[332] of fate seemed to point to the spot where the meeting
was to be held as the place of Caesar's death. For it
was a portico adjoining the theatre, and in it there
stood a statue of Pompey; so that the death of Caesar
in that place would make it seem as though some god
had led him thither that the death of Pompey might
be avenged.
When the day came, Brutus armed himself with a
dagger concealed about his person and went forth.
The other conspirators met at the house of Cassius,
and first of all conducted his son, who was that day
to assume the man's toga, to the Forum. Thence in
a body they went to Pompey's portico to await the
coming of Caesar. Had any onlooker been privy to
their plot, he would have been astonished at their
calmness. Such of them as were magistrates heard
causes as coolly and decided as clearly as though
nothing else were upon their minds. One of those
who carne before Brutus appealed from his judgment
to Caesar. 'Caesar does not and shall not,' said Brutus,
'prevent me from acting according to the law.'
But, though they appeared calm, the conspirators
were disturbed by a number of accidents. The day was
far spent, but still Caesar did not come, and their anxiety
grew as the time went on. While they were thus waiting,
a man came up to Casca, and, putting his hand
upon him, said: 'You hid this matter from me, but
Brutus has told me all.' Casca burst out with a cry
of astonishment, whereupon the other, laughing, went
on: 'Yes, about this office for which you are standing,
how came you suddenly to be rich enough to do so?'
At about the same time a certain senator saluted Brutus
and Cassius and, in a whisper, said: 'You have my
best wishes, but do not delay. It is no longer a secret.'
[833] He then went hurriedly away, leaving them in consternation,
for they thought that everything was known.
Soon after, a messenger came running to Brutus to
tell him that his wife was dying. Porcia had been in
great anxiety, and consumed with care as to how events
were going. After her husband had gone forth, she
started up and ran to the door at every little sound
and every voice she heard. She sent messenger after
messenger to make inquiries, and at length, unable to
bear her anxiety longer, she fainted away. Her women
shrieked in alarm, neighbours ran to her assistance,
and a report soon spread through the city that she was
dead. In truth, however, she soon recovered through
the care of those about her.
The news, not without reason, caused great distress
to Brutus. His private grief, however, had to give
way to his zeal for the public. He remained at his
post, for by this time it was reported that Caesar was
coming, carried in a litter. He had been delayed by
the predictions of the soothsayers, who declared the
day to be of ill omen, and by the entreaties of his wife.
As soon as Caesar had descended from the litter,
the verv senator who had wished Brutus success went
up to the dictator and spoke with him for some
considerable time, Caesar all the While listening intently.
The conspirators, who could not hear what was being
said, suspected from what the senator had said to
Brutus that he was now revealing the whole of the
plot. They were much alarmed, and by looks from
one to the other agreed that they would not suffer
themselves to be seized, but would at once slay
themselves. Indeed, Cassius and others began to draw their
swords from beneath their robes with this intent.
Brutus, however, was able to tell from the senator's
[334] looks and gestures that he was only presenting a petition.
He reassured his fellow-conspirators by smiling upon
them, for, as strangers stood mingled with them, he
dared not express his relief in words. Soon afterwards
the senator kissed Caesar's hand and withdrew, so that
it was plain that he had only been speaking about his
own affairs.
The senate was already seated, and the conspirators
placed themselves so as to be near Caesar's chair.
Cassius turned his face to Pompey's statue and invoked
his old leader, as though the dead stone could hear his
prayers. Meanwhile another of the conspirators kept
Antony, the friend of Caesar, in conversation outside
the court.
Now Caesar entered, and the whole senate rose to
salute him. He took his seat, and the conspirators,
under pretence of presenting a petition, crowded
around him. One of their number spoke to him, and
begged for the recall of his brother who had been
banished. All joined in the appeal, and some laid hold
of Caesar's hand and kissed it. The dictator refused
their request, and when they still continued to press
their suit, rose to his feet in anger. Thereupon one of
them seized the robe of Caesar and pulled it down from
his shoulders, While Casaa, who stood behind, struck the
first blow and wounded him slightly near the shoulder.
Caesar seized the sword-hand of Casca, crying, 'Villain,
what wouldst thou?' At once he was wounded by
many, almost at the same instant. He looked around
for some way of escape, but, when he saw the dagger
of Brutus pointed against him, he ceased to make any
effort for his life. Loosing his hold on Caesaa's hand, he
covered his head with his robe and fell beneath the
swords that stabbed at him so furiously that the
[335] murderers wounded one another. Brutus was stabbed
in the hand; all were covered with blood.
Thus was Caesar killed. Then Brutus stood forth
in order to speak, and called upon the senators with
reassuring words to stay and hear him. They fled,
however, in panic, thronging and jostling at the door.
None pursued them, for the conspirators had firmly
resolved that Caesar alone should die, and that all others
should be called to enjoy the blessings of freedom.
True, all of them except Brutus were of opinion, when
they were discussing the deed, that Mark Antony
should be slain at the same time. For Antony was an
ambitious and violent man, and was strong in his popu
larity with the army. Hence the conspirators feared
him, especially as he also held the office of consul at the
time.
Brutus, however, was strongly opposed to the
slaying of Antony. At first he based his opposition on the
grounds of justice, and afterwards on the hope of a
change in the disposition of Antony. He trusted that,
when Caesar was once out of the way, Antony would
display his generous nature and his love of fame and
honour by joining his countrymen in welcoming the
coming of freedom. Thus Antony was saved by the
efforts of Brutus, and, in the general confusion which
followed the death of Caesar, he escaped disguised in
plebeian dress.
Brutus and his comrades then, their hands still all
bloody, went to the Capitol, waving their naked swords
and calling the citizens to liberty. At first, however,
all was confusion; shouts were raised on all sides, and
men ran aimlessly hither and thither. But, when it
was found that there was no more killing and no plundering,
both the senators and many of the people took
[336] courage and went up to the conspirators in the Capitol.
Brutus then spoke to them in such a manner as to pacify
the people and calm their fears. They applauded and
praised him, and called upon Brutus and his companions
to come down. The conspirators therefore left the
Capitol and went down to the Forum, most of the rest
of the people following. Some of those of high rank,
however, mingled with the slayers of Caesar, and
surrounding Brutus, conducted him with great honour from
the Capitol to the place whence speeches were delivered
in the Forum.
At the sight of Brutus and his comrades thus
supported, the mob which had assembled in the Forum,
though it was divided in opinion and inclined to raise
a tumult, was afraid to do so. The people, therefore,
listened in silence to what Brutus had to say when he
stood forth. Nevertheless it was plain that they did not
all agree with the murder of Caesar, for when the con.
spirator Cinna began to speak and to bring accusations
against the dead man, they broke out into disorder
and abused the speaker. The conspirators therefore
withdrew again to the Capitol, and Brutus, fearing
that the mob would blockade them there, sent away
those who had accompanied them but had not taken
part in the murder, for he deemed it not right that they
should share the danger.
However, when the senate met on the following
day, Antony and several on both sides spoke in favour
of letting bygones be forgotten, and in favour of peace.
In the end it was resolved that the conspirators should
not only escape punishment, but that the consuls should
bring forward a measure for conferring honours upon
them. Antony also sent his son to the Capitol as a
hostage. Brutus and his comrades now came down
[337] from their place of refuge and greetings and handshakings
were exchanged between them and Caesar's
friends. Indeed, Antony entertained and feasted Cassius,
Lepidus received Brutus, and the rest of the conspirators
were in like manner entertained by others of the opposite
party.
At daybreak of the following day the senate met
again. Honours were first conferred on Antony, for
having prevented the outbreak of civil war, and
afterwards on Brutus and those of his friends who were
present. Moreover, provinces were distributed among
them, Crete being decreed to Brutus and Libya to
Cassius.
There next arose a discussion about the will of Caesar
and about his funeral. Antony demanded that the
bodv should be borne forth, not in a secret manner, but
with the honours due to so great a man, and that his
will should be read in public. Cassius was strongly
opposed to these proposals, but Brutus gave way.
Herein Brutus is considered to have made a second
great mistake; his first having been the sparing of
the life of Antony. For, in the first place, the will
left to every Roman the sum of seventy-five drachmae,
and, moreover, Caesar's gardens beyond the river were
bequeathed to the people. When they heard these
things the citizens were filled with affection for Caesar
and regret for his death. And, in the second place,
the people were deeply stirred when the body of Caesar
was carried into the Forum, and Antony, according to
custom, made a funeral oration in his honour. For,
seeing that the citizens were affected by his speech,
Antony played upon their feelings of pity, and, holding
up the blood-stained garment of Caesar, he unfolded
it and showed the rents made by the swords of the
[338] murderers and the number of the wounds under which
Caesar fell. Then the mob burst out into furious
disorder; some clamoured for the blood of the assassins,
and some tore down benches and tables from the workshops,
and with them built a vast funeral pyre upon
which they placed the body of Caesar and burnt it.
When the pile was blazing, some plucked out burning
brands and ran to the houses of the conspirators, intending
to set fire to them. This danger was, however,
repelled, for the conspirators had guarded against such
an attack.
The mob was now in a ferocious mood, as was shown
by their murder of Cinna the poet, who was in no wise
concerned in the plot against Caesar, whose friend indeed
he was. It chanced that during the previous night he
had been troubled with terrifying dreams about Caesar,
and that afterwards he had fallen into a fever. Nevertheless,
when morning came, he thought it shame not
to be present at Caesar's funeral. There he was seen,
and it being known that his name was Cinna, the mob
took him to be Cinna the conspirator, who had recently
revHed Caesar before the people. They set upon the
unfortunate poet and tore him to pieces.
The change in Antony's conduct and the fear of the
mob, now suddenly raised to fury, made Brutus and
his friends fly from the city. At first they stayed at no
great distance from Rome, for they expected that the
violence of the people would soon wear itself out, and
that they would then be able to return. They were
encouraged in this belief by the fact that the senate
favoured them, and had punished those who sought to
fire the houses of the conspirators. They learnt, too,
that the people were murmuring at the power of Antony,
and were beginning to turn towards Brutus, whom
[339] they expected to return to the city to superintend the
public spectacles, according to the duties of the office
which he held. Brutus indeed bought a great number
of wild beasts for the shows, and gave orders that all
should be killed and none sold or kept over, but
because he heard that friends of Caesar had formed plots
against him and were quietly entering the city, a few
at a time, he did not venture to return to Rome.
The arrival of the young Caesar brought about
another change in the state of affairs in the city. He
was the son of Caesar's niece, and by the dictator's will
was left his son and heir. At the time of the murder
he was studying at the town of Apollonia, but as soon
as the news reached him he came to Rome. He assumed
the name of Caesar as a first step towards gaining the
favour of the people, whom he further gratified by
distributing the money left them by the will. He also
gathered round him by rewards many of those who had
served Caesar. By these means he made himself a
powerful party against Antony.
Now, when the people of Rome were thus found to
be separating themselves into two parties, one for
Caesar and one for Antony, and the armies showed
themselves so corrupt as almost openly to sell themselves
to the highest bidder, Brutus altogether despaired of
the state of affairs. He resolved to leave Italy, and,
setting out by sea, made his way to Athens. There he
was well received by the people.
At Athens he attended the lectures of certain philosophers,
but at the same time, though no one suspected
it, he was making preparations for war. He was able
to obtain possession of a large sum of money and stores
of arms, and the old soldiers of Pompey, who were still
wandering about the country, gladly flocked to his
[340] standard. Moreover, the governor of Macedonia
surrendered that district to him, and the rulers and kings
all round about began to come over to his side. He
was thus strong enough to defeat Caius, the brother of
Antony, who was sent against him.
Brutus was about to set out for Asia, when news
came of events at Rome. The young Caesar, with the
support of the senate, had made himself too strong for
Antony and had driven him out of Italy. His power
was now formidable, and he began to seek to be made
consul contrary to the law. Moreover, he maintained
large armies which were not required for the public
service. When, however, Caesar saw that the senate
were displeased at these things, and that the minds of
the senators began to turn towards Brutus, he became
alarmed. He therefore sent to Antony, and became
reconcHed with him. Next he surrounded the city
with his soldiers, and thus got the consulship, although
he had hardly reached the age of manhood, for he was
only in his twentieth year. He then began a prosecution
of Brutus and his accomplices on a charge of
murder, in having put to death without trial the first
man in the state. The judges being compelled to
give their votes, the accused were condemned in their
absence. It is said that the whole body of people
gave a groan when the crier, in accordance with custom,
summoned Brutus to appear before the court, While
the nobles bent their eyes to the ground in silence.
One of them, indeed, was seen to shed tears, and for that
reason his name was shortly afterwards put on the list
of those who were to be killed. Then three men, Caesar,
Antony, and Lepidus, divided the empire among themselves,
and they prosecuted and put to death two
hundred men, one of whom was Cicero.
[341] Brutus having taken his army, which was now a
considerable force, over into Asia, set about fitting
out a fleet. He also sent to Cassius, urging that they
should meet and that they should hold their forces at
no great distance from Italy, since their object was not
conquest and dominion, but the deliverance of their
country. Cassius agreed, and the two friends met at
Smyrna. They could not but feel pleased at the contrast
between their present fortunes and their circumstances
when they last parted in the harbour of Athens.
For they had hurried from Italy as miserable fugitives
without arms and without money; without a single
ship or soldier or stronghold; yet after no long interval
they met as the leaders of armies and the commanders
of navies, strong enough to fight for the mastery of
Rome.
Now that they had joined their forces, Cassius
wished that each should have equal rank and honour.
Brutus, however, generally went to Cassius as being his
superior in age and less strong in body. The general
opinion concerning Cassius was that he possessed
considerable military skill, but that he was violent in temper
and disposed to rule by fear; While Brutus had the esteem
of most men, the love of his friends, and the admiration
of all. Even by his enemies he was not hated,
for he was of a moderate and high-minded temper,
unswayed by anger, pleasure or rank, upright in judgment
and unswerving in honour. Most of all, his good
repute sprang from the faith which men had in his
motives.
While the two were at Smyrna, Brutus applied
to Cassius for a share in the large amount of money
which the latter had collected, because his own re
sources were exhausted in building a fleet. The
[342] friends of Cassius were opposed to letting Brutus have
the money, but, nevertheless, Cassius gave him the
third part. Some time after they separated again in
order to carry on the undertakings they had in view.
As for Brutus, he made a demand upon the Lycians
for men and money. They refused to supply him,
however, and, revolting against him, occupied certain
steep passes to prevent the passage of his army. Brutus
attacked them with his cavalry, killed six hundred of
them, and then captured the positions and forts which
they had occupied. He set free without ransom all the
prisoners whom he took, hoping by kind treatment to
win over the nation. The Lycians, however, continued
obstinate, until at last Brutus drove the most
warlike of them into the town of Xanthus, and there
besieged them. Some of those who were thus shut up
endeavoured to get away by swimming under the water
of the river which flowed by the city. These, however,
were caught in nets which were stretched down to the
bottom of the river by weights, and on the top of which
bells were fixed, so that an alarm was given whenever
a swimmer was entangled in the net.
One night the besieged made a sally and set fire to
certain engines. The Romans, however, saw them and
drove them back to the town, but Meanwhile a strong
wind blew the flames against the battlements and the
houses near by began to take fire. Brutus, therefore,
fearing that the city would be destroyed, ordered his
soldiers to help to put out the fire. But the Lycians
all at once became seized with a kind of madness, a
frenzy of despair in which they welcomed death. Men,
women and children, freemen and slaves, young and
old joined in hurling missHes from the walls upon the
Romans who were trying to put out the flames. They
[343] brought wood and reeds and all manner of combustible
things to feed the fire, and to make it spread to the
whole city. Hence the flames rushed onward, and
blazing furiously, girdled the whole city with a ring of
fire. Meanwhile Brutus, in distress at the horror of the
sight, rode round the walls and besought the Xanthians
to save themselves and their city from the fire. None
heeded him. In all kinds of ways they sought death;
men and women and even little children. Some with
shouts and cries leapt into the flames, others broke their
necks by jumping from the wall, While some bared their
throats to their father's knives and bade them strike.
After the city was destroyed, one woman was found
hanging by a rope, a dead child slung about her neck,
and in her hand a torch to fire the house. Brutus
could not bear to see this dreadful sight. He wept on
hearing about it, and offered a reward to every soldier
who should save the life of one of the Lycians. But,
in spite of this offer, it is said that only one hundred
and fifty were prevented from finding death. It seemed
as if the Xanthians in their despair were reproducing
one of the scenes of their earlier history, for their fore-
fathers had in like manner set fire to their city and
destroyed themselves in the time of the Persian wars.
Brutus now found that another Lycian city which
he approached was preparing to resist his entry. He
hardly knew what to do, being unwilling to attack it,
because he feared that the horrors of the siege of
Xanthus would be repeated. However, as he happened
to hold some of the women of the town captives, he let
them go without ransom. They spread such a good
report of Brutus, and praised his justice and moderation
so highly, that they persuaded the citizens to give up the
place. Upon this all the rest of the Lycians surrendered.
[344] They found that Brutus was indeed just and merciful
beyond their expectation. For he demanded from
them only one hundred and fifty talents, and then,
without doing them any injury, departed.
After some time Brutus invited Cassius to join him
at Sardis, and met him upon his approach, the whole
of the armed forces saluting both of them as generals.
Now, as often happens between commanders in the
stress of great affairs, causes of difference and feelings
of suspicion had arisen between Brutus and Cassius.
Hence, directly they came to Sardis and were within
doors, they entered a room by themselves, and having
closed the door began to blame one another, and to
bring forward charges and accusations. This led on
to tears and unrestrained anger, so that their friends
outside wondered at their violent language, and feared
lest they should do one another an injury. But, as
the generals had forbidden any one to enter the room,
they could do nothing. However, at length one of
them, a senator whose character and freedom of speech
led to his rough speeches being often taken as jests,
forced his way into the room, although the slaves at
the door tried to stop him. With mock solemnity he
addressed the angry men in words taken from the poet
Homer to this effect, 'Obey me! for both of you are
much younger than I.' Thereupon Cassius laughed,
but Brutus turned him out with some harsh words.
However, the upshot of the interruption was that the
friends became reconciled, and their difference was
ended for a time. Cassius gave an entertainment to
which Brutus came with his friends, and they all made
merry over the feast.
On the following day Lucius Pella, who had been in
the confidence of Brutus, was accused by the people of
[345] Sardis of taking money unlawfully. He was publicly
condemned by Brutus, and his name declared infamous,
whereat Cassius was much vexed. For only a few
days before he had, after blaming them in private,
publicly acquitted two of his friends guilty of the same
offence. He now blamed Brutus for being too strict
in keeping to the exact letter of the law, at a time when
they should do their best to please and gratify their
supporters. Brutus, however, bade him remember the
Ides of March, and how they had slain Caesar, not because
he himself plundered the people, but because he
supported others who did so. He declared that, if justice
can be rightly overlooked upon occasion, it would have
been better to bear the wrongs inflicted by Caesar's
friends than to allow injustice to be wrought by their
own party.
It is said that when Brutus and Cassius were about
to pass over from Asia into Europe, a wonderful sign
came to Brutus. He was by nature wakeful, and by
his temperate life and strength of will he had
reduced the time he gave to sleep to a very small space.
He never lay down during the day, and only slept for
such a time at night as could not be employed in business.
Now that the war was going on and he had the
care of so many great matters, he was accustomed to
give even less time than usual to sleep, and to employ
the rest of the night on pressing affairs, or in reading,
until the time when the officers of the army came to
wait upon him for his orders. Now on the occasion in
question, it being the dead of night and the lamp burning
dimly in his tent, Brutus sat thinking and reflecting,
While deep silence lay upon the whole camp. Suddenly
it seemed to him that some one entered the tent, and,
looking towards the entrance, he had a strange vision
[346] of a huge and terrible form standing by him in silence.
Brutus, however, found courage to ask the phantom,
'What god or man art thou, and why comest thou
hither?' Thereupon the form replied, 'I am thy evil
spirit, Brutus. Thou shalt see me again at Philippi.'
Then the apparition disappeared. Brutus called his
slaves, but they one and all declared that they had
neither seen nor heard anything.
Another strange occurrence happened when the
soldiers were embarking. Two eagles appeared and
perched upon the foremost standards of the army.
The soldiers fed them, and the birds were carried along
with them until they came to Philippi. But there,
the day before the battle, the winged visitors flew
away.
When Brutus and Cassius had crossed into Europe,
they nearly succeeded in capturing a force of the enemy
which had been sent on in advance. Antony, however,
saved them by a march of wonderful rapidity. Some
days later Caesar joined him, and the two armies were
then drawn up against one another on the plains of
Philippi, Caesar being over against Brutus and Antony
opposed to Cassius. The forces were the largest Roman
armies that were ever engaged one against the other.
In numbers Caesar had a considerable superiority, but
the troops of Brutus outshone their foes in the splendour
of their arms. Although Brutus made his officers
in other respects adopt a simple and hard mode of life,
yet much of their armour was of gold, and silver was
used lavishly. Their leader believed that the value
and the splendour of their military dress would raise
the spirits of the soldiers and increase their courage.
Before the battle there were some signs and omens
which disturbed the soldiers of Brutus and Cassius.
[347] For when Cassius was conducting a solemn ceremony,
his attendant officer brought him the garland reversed.
On a previous occasion, too, a golden statue of Victory
which belonged to Cassius fell down, through its bearer
slipping While it was being carried in a procession.
Moreover, great numbers of birds of prey appeared
daily in the camp, and swarms of bees collected at a
certain spot within the lines of the army.
The soldiers were much cast down by these omens,
which were not without some effect even upon their
general himself. On account of this Cassius was not
anxious for immediate battle, but was in favour of drawing
out the war, especially as Brutus and he were
stronger in resources than the enemy, but weaker in
numbers. Brutus, however, had all along been anxious
to bring matters to an issue as soon as possible, in order
that the country might, at any rate, be relieved from
the burden of war. Moreover, he was encouraged by
the success of his cavalry in some skirmishes and affairs
of outposts. The matter was debated at length among
the chief officers, and it was finally decided to fight the
next day.
Brutus retired to rest after spending the evening in
high spirits and in talk about philosophy. Cassius,
however, passed the evening with only a few of his
most intimate friends, and appeared unusually thoughtful
and quiet. After supper he took aside one of his
companions, and pressing his hand, said, 'I call you
to witness that, like Pompey the Great, I am forced to
hazard the safety of my country upon the chances of
a single battle. However, let us be of good heart and
trust in fortune, although we may have decided badly.'
Next morning at daybreak a purple garment was
hung out as the signal of battle in the lines of Brutus
[348] and of Cassius, and the two leaders met between the
camps of their armies. Then Cassius addressed his
fellow-general in these words: 'Brutus, I trust that we
may win the victory and live long happily together.
But if the battle ends otherwise than as we expect, it
will not be a simple matter for us to see one another
again. I therefore beg you to tell me now what you
intend to do in regard to flight or death, if fortune goes
against us.' Brutus answered that it had formerly
been his opinion that it was not right for a man to
kill himself, but that he had now changed his views,
and that he did not intend to survive defeat. 'In
that event,' he went on, 'I shall withdraw from life
satisfied because on the Ides of March I dedicated
my life to my country, and have since then lived in
freedom and honour for her sake.' Cassius smHed
approval at these words, and embraced his friend.
'Let us go into battle with such thoughts,' said he,
'for then we shall either be victors, or, at the worst,
be undismayed by defeat.'
They now arranged the order of battle. Brutus
asked Cassius to be allowed to command the right wing,
and his request was granted, though Cassius, by reason
of his greater age and experience, was considered more
fitted to command in that part of the field. Brutus
at once led forth his splendidly equipped cavalry and
also rapidly brought up the infantry.
At the time the soldiers of Antony were engaged in
cutting trenches in the marshes near which they were
encamped. Meanwhile Caesar was on the watch, but
was not actually on the spot because of sickness, While
his soldiers did not expect any serious battle. They
supposed that the enemy intended merely to make
sallies upon the works and to disturb their comrades
[349] who were making the trenches by showers of missiles
and by threats and shoutings. Hence they paid but
little attention to those who were opposed to them, and
did not understand the meaning of the loud but
confused clamour which came from the direction of the
trenches.
In the meantime the command to attack came
from Brutus to his officers, and he himself advanced
on horseback in front of the legions, and encouraged
them to fight bravely. Some few of the soldiers heard
the word of command as it was passed along, but the
greater part rushed shouting upon the enemy without
awaiting the order. Hence there arose some irregularity
and some gaps in the line of battle, and as a result
some of the legions completely outflanked Caesar's left.
There was some fighting with those soldiers of Caesar
who were stationed on the extreme left, and some few
of them were killed. Some of the troops of Brutus,
however, passed right round this flank and fell upon
the camp of the enemy. There Caesar had a narrow
escape, for he had but just been carried out of the
camp when the soldiers of Brutus burst into it. Indeed,
they pierced his empty litter with darts and spears, and
for a time it was supposed that he had been killed. The
prisoners who were taken in the camp were slaughtered,
and with them two thousand Greeks who had lately
come in as allies.
Those troops of Brutus who had not thus outflanked
the enemy, but had been engaged in a frontal attack
upon them, easily put their opponents, who were in disorder,
to flight. In hand-to-hand fighting they broke
up and destroyed three legions, and following up their
success rushed, with Brutus amongst them, into the
camp in pursuit of the fugitives.
[350] But Meanwhile the attack of Cassius on the other wing
had been beaten back, and the enemy had in turn captured
his camp. Thus it came about that While Brutus
thought their troops completely victorious, Cassius
believed that they were totally defeated. This mistake
ruined their cause, for on the one hand Brutus did not
come to the aid of Cassius, since he believed that his
fellow-general was victorious, While on the other Cassius
did not await Brutus, for he thought that his friend
had perished.
When Brutus retired after destroying Caesar's camp,
he was surprised to find that he could not see the tent
of Cassius standing out plainly as usual in its place.
Nor indeed were the other tents of Cassius's army
to be seen, for they had been torn down and destroyed
when the soldiers of Antony burst into the camp.
Those followers of Brutus who were gifted with the
keenest eyesight now told their general that they could
see the glitter of many helmets and the gleam of many
silver shields moving about in the camp of Cassius.
Neither the number of these nor the style of armour
seemed to them to agree with the idea that the soldiers
moving about were the men left by Cassius to guard
his camp, but, on the other hand, there did not appear
to be so many dead bodies lying about as might be
expected, if so large a force as that of Cassius had been
defeated. These observations first gave Brutus some
inkling of the misfortune which had overtaken his
fellow-general. He at once set a guard over the camp
of the enemy, and recalling his men from the pursuit, got
together a force to go to the aid of his fellow-general.
The affairs of Cassius had fared in this manner.
He had been displeased to see the soldiers of Brutus
make their onset without the word of command and in
[351] disorder, and still further displeased to see them rush
to plunder the camp for their own profit, instead
of striving to encircle the enemy and attack them in
the rear. For his own part, Cassius conducted his
operations too slowly and without sufficient vigour and
judgment. Hence he was surrounded by the right wing
of his opponents. His cavalry broke and fled towards
the sea, and he soon found his infantry wavering, though
he strove desperately to rally them. He seized a
standard from a flying standard-bearer, and with his
own hands stuck it in the ground before his feet. But
his efforts were in vain. Even those who were close
about him lost heart and courage. Hence, being hard
pressed, Cassius was forced to give way and to fly with
but a few followers to a hill which commanded a view
of the plain.
From the hill Cassius himself could see nothing of
what was going on in the plain, and could but dimly
perceive the plundering of the camp, for he was weak
of sight. The horsemen who accompanied him, however,
satin a good many soldiers approaching across the
plain. These were in reality messengers whom Brutus
had sent to announce his victory. Cassius, however,
feared that they were enemies in pursuit of him, and
in order to make sure, sent one of his followers, Titinius,
to reconnoitre.
When the cavalry of Brutus saw the messenger
approach, and recognised him as a friend, they shouted
for joy. Some who knew him leapt from their horses
and embraced him, While the rest rode their horses in
circles round him with clashing of arms and cries of
triumph. The commotion fatally deceived Cassius. He
took it for granted that Titinius was taken prisoner by
the enemy, and lamented aloud that he, through too
[352] great a love of life, had caused his friend to fall into the
hands of the foe. Then, in despair, he withdrew into
an empty tent, taking with him only one freedman,
whom he had long ago instructed how to act in such an
extremity. Wrapping his robe about his face, he laid
bare his neck and commanded his freedman to strike.
The blow fell, and the head of Cassius was afterwards
found severed from the body.
It was soon discovered that the approaching cavalry
were friends, and presently Titinius, crowned with
garlands, rode up to the place where he had left Cassius.
The laments and mournings of his friends informed him
of the unhappy fate of his general. His rejoicings were
immediately changed to bitter grief, and deeply
reproaching himself for his delay when speed in returning
might have prevented the tragic end of his friend,
he resolved to accompany him in death, and falling
upon his sword made an end of himself.
When Brutus had certain information of the defeat
of Cassius, he made all haste to come to his relief, but
he knew nothing of the death of his fellow-general
until he came up to his camp. Then he mourned over
the dead body and lamented his friend, whom he called
the 'Last of the Romans.'
Brutus then set himself to gather together the
scattered and dispirited soldiers of Cassius, and as they
had been stripped of everything they possessed by
the enemy, he promised to each of them the sum of
two thousand drachmae. The soldiers were both
surprised and encouraged by this generosity. They loudly
acclaimed him, and praised him as the only general
of the four who had not been beaten. He had indeed,
with but a few legions, overcome all those who were
opposed to him, and if most of his soldiers had not
[353] passed beyond the enemy in quest of the plunder of the
camp, he would have won a decisive victory.
As for the forces of Caesar and Antony, they were
at first much more discouraged than their opponents.
But, during the evening, one of the servants of Cassius
came over to Antony with the news of the death of his
master, and in proof thereof brought with him the robe
and sword of Cassius, which he had taken from the dead
body. This news so emboldened them that by daybreak
they were drawn up in order of battle.
Brutus found each of the two camps which his
army occupied a source of difficulty. His own was full
of prisoners, and therefore required a strong guard,
While in the camp of Cassius there was some murmuring
at the change of masters, and some jealousy, on
the part of the beaten troops, of the victorious soldiers
of Brutus. The general therefore, though he drew up
his army, thought it well to avoid fighting.
As the slaves who had been taken prisoners were
found to be tampering with the soldiers, they were all
put to the sword. Most of the freemen and citizens,
however, were set free. Brutus, indeed, told them that
they were more truly prisoners While in the hostile
ranks than when they had fallen into his hand. 'With
Caesar and Antony,' said he, 'you were indeed slaves,
but with me you are freemen and citizens of Rome.'
He was obliged, however, to dismiss them secretly, for
some of his own officers were their implacable foes.
Brutus now gave his soldiers the promised rewards.
He rebuked them mildly for beginning the attack
without waiting for the order, and promised that if they
satisfied him by their conduct in the next engagement
he would give up to them certain cities to be plundered.
This is the only circumstance in the life of Brutus that
[354] admits of no defence. It is true that Antony and
Caesar afterwards acted with more unbounded cruelty
in rewarding their soldiers. But such conduct from
them was only in agreement with the motives by which
they were inspired, While it was not expected that
even the hope of victory would tempt Brutus from the
straightest path of honour and justice. He had,
however, as sole head of the army, to make use of such
advisers as he had, and generally followed the advice
of those who proposed any measures which would keep
the soldiers of Cassius in a good humour. These troops
he found very difficult to manage, for they were insolent
in the camp and cowardly in the field.
Caesar and Antony found themselves also in a
position of difficulty. They had but a scanty supply of
food, and the marshy nature of the land upon which
they were encamped made them dread the approaching
winter. Already, indeed, they had experienced a
foretaste of its hardships, for heavy autumn rains fell
after the battle, and filled their tents with mire and
water, which the cold weather immediately froze. 'While
they were enduring these hardships, they received news
of a great disaster which had befallen their cause at sea.
Their fleet, which was on its way from Italy with a
large number of soldiers, had been met by the ships of
Brutus, and defeated so utterly that the few men who
escaped with their lives were reduced by famine to
devour the tackle of the ships. The news determined
those on Caesar's side to fight before Brutus and his
army were encouraged by news of the victory.
This sea-fight, it appears, took place on the same
day as the land-battle, yet by some accident Brutus
received no news of the victory of his fleet till
too late. Had he known in time, he would
cer- [355] tainly not have risked a second battle. He had provisions
sufficient to last for a long time, and his army was
posted so advantageously that he had no need to dread
either the hardships of the weather nor the attacks
of the enemy. Moreover, had he known that he was
wholly master by sea as well as partly victorious by
land, he would have had every inducement not to throw
away his great advantages over the enemy by any hasty
action.
But it would seem that Providence had decreed
that the Republic of Rome should no longer exist, and
that, in order to remove the only man who could resist
the destined master of the state, Fate kept the knowledge
of the victory from Brutus till it was too late to
avail to save him. Yet how near he was to receiving
the intelligence! For, on the very evening before the
battle, a deserter came over from the enemy to tell him
that Caesar was eager for battle because his fleet had
been destroyed. But his information was scouted as
being either treacherous or merely idle babble, and he
was not even brought into the presence of Brutus.
That night, it is said, the spectre again appeared to
Brutus in its former shape, but vanished without
saying a word. Yet a writer well versed in philosophy who
bore arms with Brutus throughout this war makes no
mention of the apparition. He tells, however, of a
number of omens; among which was the appearance
of two eagles, who immediately before the battle were
seen in the heavens between the two armies, fighting
in the upper air. The soldiers watched the fight with
eagerness, and an incredible silence fell upon the field
until the eagle which fought on the side of Brutus was
beaten and driven away.
After Brutus had drawn up his army in order of
[356]
battle, some time passed before he gave the word for
the attack. As he passed among the ranks, he could
not help suspecting some of the soldiers, and accusations
were made to him concerning others. He found
that his cavalry showed little eagerness for the battle,
and that they seemed inclined to wait and see what
success might attend the infantry. Moreover, a
certain soldier, famous for his courage, rode close by
Brutus, and in full sight of his general deserted to
the enemy.
This desertion was unspeakably mortifying to
Brutus, and either out of anger or because he feared
that the treason might be followed by other desertions,
he at once, about three o'clock in the afternoon, led
his army against the enemy.
Where Brutus fought in person he was, as in the
previous battle, successful. He charged the enemy's
left wing with his infantry, and broke it. Then his
cavalry, following up the impression which the
infantry had made, routed that wing. But meanwhile
the soldiers in the other wing of his army, when
ordered to advance, were afraid that the enemy, who
had the advantage in numbers, would surround them.
Moved by this fear, they extended their line so much
that it was made fatally weak. The centre of Brutus's
left wing, therefore, could not sustain the shock of the
enemy's charge, but was almost immediately broken
and put to flight. So thoroughly were they swept from
the field that the enemy surrounded Brutus. In this
desperate situation he did everything that the bravest
and most skilful general could do to restore the battle.
His conduct at least deserved victory. But the soldiers
of Cassius, dispirited by their former defeat, were a
great source of weakness. They fought feebly, and the
[357] terror and confusion in their ranks infected the greater
part of the army.
There were, however, many who fought most
bravely for their cause and general. Marcus, the son
of Cato, was slain fighting among the bravest of the
young nobles. He disdained flight or surrender, and
calling out his name as the son of Cato continued to
ply his sword until he fell upon a heap of slaughtered
foes. At the same time fell many others who fearlessly
exposed themselves in order to preserve their general.
Lucilius, a man of virtue and a close friend of Brutus,
saw a body of barbarian horse in the service of Antony
riding at full speed with the special object of attacking
and killing the general. He determined to stop them,
though at the hazard of his life. He therefore shouted
to them that he was Brutus, and they believed him,
because at the same time he implored them to take
him before Antony and pretended to be afraid of
being carried to Caesar. The horsemen rejoiced at
this capture, and, esteeming themselves especially fortunate,
sent word to Antony of their success. Their
general was greatly pleased at the news, and went
forth to meet them as they returned with their prisoner.
Many others, when the news spread that Brutus was
captured, went forth to see him; some pitying his
misfortunes, others blaming him for baseness in allowing
himself to fall alive into the hands of barbarians.
When at last the captive and his captors approached,
and Antony was considering in what manner he should
receive his conquered foe, Lucilius boldly addressed
him. 'Be assured, Antony,' said he, 'that Brutus
neither is nor will be taken alive by an enemy. Dead
or alive, his state will not be unworthy of him. As
for myself, I deceived your soldiers, and am prepared
[358] to suffer the worst penalty which you can inflict
upon me.'
Thus spoke Lucilius, to the amazement of those
who stood by. Then Antony addressed himself to the
captors. 'I see, fellow-soldiers,' said he, 'that you are
angry at the deceit which has been practised upon you.
But you have really brought me richer booty than you
thought. You sought an enemy; you have brought
me a friend. How I should have treated Brutus I
know not, but this I know, that I would rather have
such a man as this for a friend than for an enemy.'
So saying, he embraced Lucilius and handed him
over to the honourable care of one of his friends.
Ever afterwards Antony found Lucilius faithful to his
interests.
Meanwhile Brutus, flying from the battlefield with
a few of his officers and friends, passed a brook overhung
by cliffs and shaded by trees. There they rested
in a hollow under a great rock, for darkness had fallen.
Casting his eyes upwards to the heavens, bright with
many stars, Brutus repeated the words of the Greek
poet, 'Forgive not, Jove, the cause of this distress.'
Then sadly he went over the names of those of his
friends who had fallen in the battle, sighing deeply at
the mention of those whom he most loved.
BRUTUS AND HIS COMPANIONS AFTER THE BATTLE OF PHILIPPI
|
Meanwhile, one of his attendants being thirsty and
seeing that his general was in like case, took his helmet
and went down to the brook to get water. At the
same time a sound was heard on the opposite bank,
and two of the little band went to find out the cause.
On their return they asked for water. 'All has been
drunk,' said Brutus, with a smile, 'but another helmetful
shall be brought.' The attendant, therefore, was
again sent down to the brook, but in going he was
[359] wounded by the enemy, and with difficulty made his
way back.
It was therefore evident that parties of the enemy
were very near the hiding-place. Nevertheless, Brutus
was not without hope that his affairs might yet be
restored, for he thought that his losses in the battle
had not been very heavy. One of his followers, Statilius,
therefore volunteered to try to make his way through
the enemy, in order to find in what condition their
camp was. It was arranged that if he got there safely,
he should hold up a lighted torch in the camp as a
signal, and then return with his intelligence.
Statilius arrived in safety at the camp, for the
torch was held up as had been arranged. But his
companions waited in vain for a long time for his return.
'If Statilius were alive,' said Brutus at length, 'he
would be here by this time.' In truth, as the messenger
was making his way back to his friends, he fell into the
hands of the enemy and was slain.
When the night was far spent, Brutus whispered some
words to one of his servants, who made no answer but
burst into tears. After this, the general took his
armour-bearer on one side and said something to him
privately. Next he spoke in Greek to another friend,
whom he besought by the memory of their studies and
deeds together to help him by putting his hand to
the sword, so that he might give himself the fatal
thrust. His friend, as well as several others whom
Brutus addressed, refused, and one of them remarked
that it was time that they should fly.
'We must indeed fly,' said Brutus, rising hastily,
'but with our hands, not our feet! 'Then, taking
each of two of his friends by the hand, he spoke very
cheerfully to this effect: 'It is to me a source of great
[360] gladness that my friends have been faithful. And
if I have any resentment against fortune, it is for my
country's sake and not my own. For I count myself
more happy than my conquerors in the unsullied reputation
I shall leave behind me.' He then besought his
followers to provide each for his own safety, and withdrew
with only two or three of his closest friends.
One of these friends was Strato, who had been his
friend since the time when the two studied rhetoric
together. Brutus placed this friend next to him, and
then, laying hold of the hilt of his sword with both
hands, fell upon the point and died. By some it is said
that Strato, at the request of Brutus, turned aside his
friend's head and held the sword, and that Brutus
threw himself upon it with such violence that the point,
entering at his breast, passed right through his body, so
that he died immediately.
When Antony found the body he caused it to be
covered with the richest of his robes, and he afterwards
sent the ashes of Brutus to his mother Servilia.
As for Porcia, the wife of Brutus, some writers tell
us that she was for a time prevented from funding the
death she sought by the watchfulness of her friends.
But at length she eluded their care, and killed herself
by swallowing coals of fire which she snatched from the
hearth.
|